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Donald Trump's Regime of Punishment and Favor

The ex-president's intense urge for payback has swiftly morphed into a structured apparatus. Within the year since his election, the chief executive's rage and caprices have assumed the guise of government actions similar to analogous to earlier authoritarian regimes. Federal personnel who resist his demands are immediately dismissed and substituted by supporters. Political leaders who question him risk legal action, judicial process and sanctions. Opponents have been labeled under presidential orders as “hostile to national interests”, “against faith communities” and “opposing economic freedom”, and menaced with prosecution as “terrorists”.

Government Institutions Remade

Every instance involving legal action of political opponents and leniency for supporters demonstrates its own particular qualities. But, despite their individual form, they exemplify expressions of what has emerged as a deliberate technique. Such events are far from isolated. His purge of federal attorneys and Federal Bureau of Investigation officials, alongside his appointment of loyalists in high-level roles, commenced quickly, quickly developed a pattern, and has now been shaped into a system. DoJ and the law enforcement agency have been transformed into partisan agencies under the president's explicit orders to execute his wishes. Injustice has been rendered normal. It constitutes the system of punishment.

Leadership is preoccupied with penalizing the leader's supposed adversaries than they are with defending our national security.

Inside the Apparatus

The foundation of this mechanism has been exposed in the lawsuit of three former top Federal Bureau executives lodged in September in the federal court in the capital against top official a senior appointee and justice department head a key figure for illegal termination in “a campaign of retribution against them for what the accused judged to be a refusal to demonstrate sufficient devotion”. According to the filing that one official, the former interim leader, recounts a conversation in which Patel “publicly acknowledged the impropriety of his actions”.

The official had tried to defend FBI agents from being dismissed, the lawsuit states. The director told him that “White House figures” – understood by the official to be the White House and DoJ – had directed him to dismiss everyone who they considered as having participated in a criminal investigation against him. The filing adds: “Patel stated that he had to fire the personnel his leaders told him to fire, because his capacity to hold his own job depended on the removal of the officials who worked on matters involving the leader. He noted that there was no option he or Driscoll could do to stop these or any other dismissals, because ‘the bureau tried to incarcerate the chief in jail and he remembers.’” After Driscoll told the director he was breaking the agency's own internal rules, the director allegedly said “he understood that and he knew the character of the summary firings were likely improper”.

Widespread Consequences

Following Patel's claimed admission to him, the DoJ and the law enforcement agency have been dismantled and repurposed for Trump's revenge apparatus. Six of the FBI's high-ranking agents were terminated or forced out in the first days of the administration. Approximately 4,500 legal professionals at the justice department have taken a “voluntary departure plan”. No fewer than several government attorneys, among them those in the New York office, quit in dissent over what they regarded as ideological pressure in abandoning the corruption case against the local official, a political figure, in exchange for his collaboration with his Immigration and Customs Enforcement detentions of foreign nationals. The anti-corruption unit of DoJ, which manages ethical violations, has been cut down to minimal staff. The civil rights division has been decimated: 70% of its personnel has resigned. A third of executives at the department have left. The section enforcing environmental law has experienced the exit of a majority its management.

Favors and Sanctions

In the legal matter, the acting US attorney for the southern district of New York, she, quit in objection against what she characterized as the “quid pro quo”. Tom Homan, his “enforcement chief,” was present as the enforcer with the mayor on television to state: “Unless he complies, I'll be back in the city.”. Meanwhile, a former official, formerly the justice department figure and a former Trump attorney, who brokered the arrangement, was awarded an judicial position, a likely stepping stone to the highest court.

His immunity for crimes committed while in power, granted by the unprecedented ruling of the conservative on the supreme court, thus thwarting his prosecution over the political violence and maintaining his electoral prospects for the national vote, is the cornerstone on which he relies to defend his loyalists. With such immunity, he has been liberated to permit misconduct. The effect of the judicial ruling infuses his presidency and the GOP thoroughly. The legal case has escalated. As Richard Nixon's administration lawyer he said about the Watergate

JH
Written by

Jose Hanson

A UK-based business strategist with over 10 years of experience in technology consulting and enterprise solutions.

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